The Defenders of People's Freedom

The Cold-war of the 20th century had visited upon the Vietnamese people who had been fighting against European (French) colonialism before the US forces landed in the Indo-Chinese region to drive out the communist from Asia. Based on my experience of Indian freedom struggle, I protested the Vietnam War, and with a few hundred students marched in Washington DC. I was part of a radical intellectual group in the U.S. called " Students for Democratic Society" (SDS) that organised Teach-ins in American universities against the Vietnam War. In the 1960s, under the leadership of Chairman Mao, Red Flag of Revolution was high over Chinese mainland. I defended the Chinese Cultural Revolution, and offered reasoned justification even for the Pole Pot's crimes against his own Cambodian people.

In 1969-70, I was awarded a Faculty Research grant by the U.S. Federal Education Department. A few local conservatives raised a hue and cry and local Republican senator petitioned to the White House against the grant to an "anti-U.S. Maoist Communist." The Nixon administration dutifully cancelled the research grant. But during the anti-Sharma campaign in the U.S., Association of American University Professors, and intellectual community in America fully defended my academic rights. Having lived for over 22 years abroad, in 1973, I returned to India to serve my homeland. The late, Dr. B.D. Nag Chaudhury, formerly the Defence Scientific Advisor to the Government of India, was then the Vice-Chancellor of Jawaharlal Nehru University - the citadel of Marxist academics. Nag Chaudhury - himself a nuclear scientist, asked me to assist the university in organising the Centre in Science Policy Studies at JNU.

Soon after I joined the university, a few "revolutionaries" approached me for assessing my ideological radicalism. As they were committed to create a new socio-political world order by Revolutionary violent actions, their meetings were secret which indicated their sense of adventurism. I urged them to take to the path of non-violent revolution. Since the majority people were poor in the country, I argued, and as we were in an open democratic state with voting rights, it would be possible to overthrow the bourgeoisi- politico- economic system by peaceful means. They found me unfit for revolutionary struggle.

As the Communist Party of India (CPM) had joined the mainstream of politics, I was inclined to accept the party's political agenda for economic and social reforms through parliamentary system. For the first time in life, I had agreed to join a political party but with two conditions: First, the CPM renounce the doctrine of Political Dictatorship. Second, make the party membership open and public. A dynamic local secretary assured me that the CPM functioned with " inner party democracy". I was conducted to the Secretary General for a lengthy discussion.

Around this time I published a first full length (200 pages) first Hindi book on "Vietnam ka Swatantra-Samgharsh" (Freedom Struggle of Vietnam). I was rebuked for publishing the volume without clearance from the party. The title of the book was considered "politically incorrect". I was told that it should have been "Liberation Struggle"(Mukti-Samgharsh). There was politico-semantic difference between "Freedom" and Liberation", and I must learn politically correct expressions. I was further instructed that in future I should seek prior publication clearance from the party secretary.

After a few preliminary discussions, however, one day I was asked to a party meeting of the CPM. At the appointed hour and place I found myself among a few JNU colleagues with whom I had been interacting on campus for months without coming to know their political affiliation. The JNU colleagues participating in the two-hour meeting raised no dissenting voice. It was always an enthusiastic assent to anything the Secretary said. There was hardly any disagreement and little discussion about any critical issue presented in the meeting.

I noticed that entire top ranking leaders and the members of the executive council of CPM were overwhelmingly high caste Hindus. No female and/or low-cast or minorities were represented in the decision making forum of the People's Democratic organisation.

I was closeted with the local Secretary at my residence. He offered me access to high positions in the academic bodies and university administration. I was offered handsome research grants on condition that the funds awarded to me would be passed on to the party pool. Nonetheless, I could not be persuaded unless the party agreed to remove the "political dictatorship" from the party's fundamentals. I refused to join the Party. But the secretary was not easily to be wished away. He threatened to inform the US Embassy about my association with the Communists Party in India. Still I could not be forced to compromise my right to Free Thought and dissent. And as the JNU comrades could not reform me, they identified me as a " CIA agent".